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Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France

Politics & Social Sciences

Sternhell, Zeev

Politics & Government

Univ. Of California Pr.

Few books on European history in recent memory have caused such controversy and commotion wrote Robert Wohl in 1991 in a major review of Neither Right nor Left. Listed by Le Monde as one of the forty most important books published in France during the 1980s, this explosive work asserts that fascism was an important part of the mainstream of European history, not just a temporary development in Germany and Italy but a significant aspect of French culture as well. Neither right nor left, fascism united antibourgeois, antiliberal nationalism, and revolutionary syndicalist thought, each of which joined in reflecting the political culture inherited from eighteenth-century France. From the first, Sternhell's argument generated strong feelings among people who wished to forget the Vichy years, and his themes drew enormous public attention in 1994, as Paul Touvier was condemned for crimes against humanity and a new biography probed President Mitterand's Vichy connections. The author's new preface speaks to the debates of 1994 and reinforces the necessity of acknowledging the past, as President Chirac has recently done on France's behalf.

History

Americas

Princeton University Press

The well-known historian and political scientist Zeev Sternhell here advances a radically new interpretation of the founding of modern Israel. The founders claimed that they intended to create both a landed state for the Jewish people and a socialist society. However, according to Sternhell, socialism served the leaders of the influential labor movement more as a rhetorical resource for the legitimation of the national project of establishing a Jewish state than as a blueprint for a just society. In this thought-provoking book, Sternhell demonstrates how socialist principles were consistently subverted in practice by the nationalist goals to which socialist Zionism was committed. Sternhell explains how the avowedly socialist leaders of the dominant labor party, Mapai, especially David Ben Gurion and Berl Katznelson, never really believed in the prospects of realizing the "dream" of a new society, even though many of their working-class supporters were self-identified socialists. The founders of the state understood, from the very beginning, that not only socialism but also other universalistic ideologies like liberalism, were incompatible with cultural, historical, and territorial nationalism. Because nationalism took precedence over universal values, argues Sternhell, Israel has not evolved a constitution or a Bill of Rights, has not moved to separate state and religion, has failed to develop a liberal concept of citizenship, and, until the Oslo accords of 1993, did not recognize the rights of the Palestinians to independence. This is a controversial and timely book, which not only provides useful historical background to Israel's ongoing struggle to mobilize its citizenry to support a shared vision of nationhood, but also raises a question of general significance: is a national movement whose aim is a political and cultural revolution capable of coexisting with the universal values of secularism, individualism

The Founding Myths of Israel

Religion & Spirituality

The well-known historian and political scientist Zeev Sternhell here advances a radically new interpretation of the founding of modern Israel. The founders claimed that they intended to create both a landed state for the Jewish people and a socialist society. However, according to Sternhell, socialism served the leaders of the influential labor movement more as a rhetorical resource for the legitimation of the national project of establishing a Jewish state than as a blueprint for a just society. In this thought-provoking book, Sternhell demonstrates how socialist principles were consistently subverted in practice by the nationalist goals to which socialist Zionism was committed.
 Sternhell explains how the avowedly socialist leaders of the dominant labor party, Mapai, especially David Ben Gurion and Berl Katznelson, never really believed in the prospects of realizing the "dream" of a new society, even though many of their working-class supporters were self-identified socialists. The founders of the state understood, from the very beginning, that not only socialism but also other universalistic ideologies like liberalism, were incompatible with cultural, historical, and territorial nationalism. Because nationalism took precedence over universal values, argues Sternhell, Israel has not evolved a constitution or a Bill of Rights, has not moved to separate state and religion, has failed to develop a liberal concept of citizenship, and, until the Oslo accords of 1993, did not recognize the rights of the Palestinians to independence.
 This is a controversial and timely book, which not only provides useful historical background to Israel's ongoing struggle to mobilize its citizenry to support a shared vision of nationhood, but also raises a question of general significance: is a national movement whose aim is a political and cultural revolution capable of coexisting with the universal values of secularism, individualism, and social justice? This bold critical reevaluation will unsettle long-standing myths as it contributes to a fresh new historiography of Zionism and Israel. At the same time, while it examines the past, The Founding Myths of Israel reflects profoundly on the future of the Jewish State.

Middle East

When The Birth of Fascist Ideology was first published in 1989 in France and in 1993 in Italy, it aroused a storm of response, both positive and negative. In Sternhell's view, fascism was much more than an episode in the history of Italy. He argues here that it possessed a coherent ideology with deep roots in European civilization. Long before fascism became a political force, he maintains, it was a major cultural phenomenon.

The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution

World

When The Birth of Fascist Ideology was first published in 1989 in France and in 1993 in Italy, it aroused a storm of response, both positive and negative. In Sternhell's view, fascism was much more than an episode in the history of Italy. He argues here that it possessed a coherent ideology with deep roots in European civilization. Long before fascism became a political force, he maintains, it was a major cultural phenomenon.

The Birth of Fascist Ideology

Europe

La droite révolutionnaire: 1885-1914 : les origines françaises du fascisme (L'Univers historique) (French Edition)

Reference

Foreign Language Study & Reference

Editions Du Seuil

Editeur : Seuil Date de parution : 1983 Description : In-8, 410 pages, broché, occasion, bon état. Envois quotidiens du mardi au samedi. Les commandes sont adressées sous enveloppes bulles. Photos supplémentaires de l'ouvrage sur simple demande. Réponses aux questions dans les 12h00. Librairie Le Piano-Livre. Merci. Please let us know if you have any questions. Thanks

Ni droite, ni gauche: L'idéologie fasciste en France (French Edition)

Book Description Contre les Lumières et leurs valeurs universelles, s'est dressée, du XVIIIᵉ siècle à aujourd'hui, une autre tradition. Cette modernité alternative mène la guerre grâce à une argumentation rendue cohérente par le fait que tous ses partisans se lisent les uns les autres avec une grande attention et constituent son corpus... From the Back Cover Contre les Lumières et leurs valeurs universelles qui régissent encore les sociétés démocratiques, s'est dressée, du XVIIIᵉ siècle à aujourd'hui, une autre tradition. Cette modernité se veut alternative et mène la guerre grâce à une argumentation rendue cohérente par le fait que tous ses partisans se lisent les uns les autres avec une grande attention et constituent son corpus. Taine écrit sur Burke et Carlyle, Meinecke sur Burke et Herder, lequel, pour Renan, est le "penseur-roi", Maistre suit Burke et il est lui-même suivi par Maurras, Sorel attaque les Lumières avec une hargne égale à celle de Maurras. Développant la pensée de Herder, Spengler forge le concept de l'imperméabilité des cultures ; poursuivant les analyses de Herder, Isaiah Berlin écrit sur Vico avec un ravissement semblable à celui de Croce. Subissant l'influence de Meinecke, il ajoute dans la seconde moitié du XXᵉ siècle un maillon à la culture politique des anti-Lumières. Preuve est donc faite que les maux contre lesquels ont combattu les Lumières sont de toutes les époques : pour éviter à l'homme du XXIᵉ siècle de sombrer dans un nouvel âge glacé du conformisme, la vision prospective d'un individu maître de son présent, sinon de son avenir, demeure irremplaçable.

Les anti-Lumières: Une tradition du XVIIIᵉ siècle à la guerre froide

Фоліо

Ni droite ni gauche: L'idéologie fasciste en France

See the best price to sell, buy, or rent books by Sternhell, Zeev. BookScouter helps to compare book prices from 25+ online bookstores and 30+ buyback vendors with a single search.

Books by Sternhell, Zeev

See the best price to sell, buy, or rent books by Sternhell, Zeev. BookScouter helps to compare book prices from 25+ online bookstores and 30+ buyback vendors with a single search.

Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France

Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France

The Founding Myths of Israel

The Founding Myths of Israel

The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution

The Birth of Fascist Ideology

La droite révolutionnaire: 1885-1914 : les origines françaises du fascisme (L'Univers historique) (French Edition)

Ni droite, ni gauche: L'idéologie fasciste en France (French Edition)

Les anti-Lumières: Une tradition du XVIIIᵉ siècle à la guerre froide

Ni droite ni gauche: L'idéologie fasciste en France